
Let me tell you about the last time I believed a central bank had inflation under control. It was 2007. Gordon Brown was still promising "no more boom and bust," Lehman Brothers still had offices, and I still had hair. The Bank of England cut rates that December, just like yesterday's trim to 3.75 percent. We all know how that ended.
Today's celebrations feel eerily familiar. Headlines shout about respite. Politicians grin. Andrew Bailey, the Bank's governor, plays the reluctant hero again, casting the deciding vote like some monetary John McCain. We're told inflation has "peaked" at 3.2 percent, down from its double digit nightmare. But forgive me if I don't pop the champagne. I've watched this institution pivot from denial to panic more times than a weather vane in a hurricane.
Let's start with the theater of it all. Six rate cuts in eighteen months. That's not policymaking, that's a battering ram. Each reduction comes wrapped in caveats, of course. Bailey warns "how much further we go becomes a closer call" with every move. Translation: We're flying blind, but the fuel's running out anyway.
The human cost gets lost in this technocratic ballet. For two years, Britons watched rates climb while wages stagnated. Now they're told relief is coming like some delayed train. But who benefits? The homeowner with a tracker mortgage, maybe. The small business owner seeking loans, perhaps. What about the pensioner living off savings? They just watched their income vaporize. It's always a shell game when central banks act, helping one group by punishing another.
I remember 2021, when Bailey insisted inflation was "transitory." Then 2023, when the Bank hiked rates like a hiker fleeing bees. Now they're cutting again, patting themselves on the back while ignoring how late they were at every turn. The committee's near even split tells you everything. Economists can't agree whether we need stimulus or restraint, so they settle for chaotic middling.
Here's what they won't say aloud: This has as much to do with politics as economics. Rishi Sunak's government is desperate for good news before elections. A rate cut provides cover to claim they've "fixed" the economy. But monetary policy isn't a tap you turn on for votes. When central banks lose independence, bad things happen. Just ask Turkey.
The parallels to 2008 keep me up at night. Back then, premature rate cuts left the Bank powerless when the real crisis hit. Today, with the UK economy still wobbling like a drunk on cobblestones, they're repeating the same mistake. Growth remains anemic. Productivity hasn't recovered from Brexit. Cutting rates now feels like giving aspirin to someone with internal bleeding. It might dull the pain, but it won't stop the hemorrhage.
And don't get me started on the inflation target charade. For years, 2 percent has been this holy grail nobody actually reaches. It's like training for a marathon but stopping every mile for tea. The Bank overshoots, undershoots, then changes the narrative. This latest "victory" still leaves prices 3 percent higher than last year. At that pace, bread will cost a fiver by 2030.
Young people get royally screwed in this scenario. First, they couldn't afford homes because prices skyrocketed. Now, just as rates dip slightly, banks will tighten lending anyway, fearing another downturn. It's like showing water to a parched man but locking all the glasses.
I spoke to a pub owner last week in Manchester. His energy costs have doubled since 2022. He can't staff shifts because workers demand wages he can't afford. "What good is cheaper borrowing," he asked, "if my customers can't afford pints?" Exactly. Monetary policy can't fix structural problems. But watch how many politicians pretend otherwise.
Meanwhile, Threadneedle Street operates in a bubble. The Bank's own staff enjoy inflation matching pay rises. They debate theoretical risks in wood paneled rooms while food bank queues stretch around corners. It's reminiscent of that old Yes Minister episode where Sir Humphrey explains economics is "what we do while people imagine we're running the country."
Other central banks face the same dilemmas, but Britain's position feels uniquely precarious. The Federal Reserve has more room to maneuver with a stronger dollar. The European Central Bank benefits from collective weight. The Bank of England muddles through with none of these advantages, haunted by mistakes from the Truss debacle to its sluggish COVID response. Small wonder investors treat sterling like a hot potato.
What's the endgame? Probably more of the same stop go policymaking that got us here. The Treasury will cheer any temporary economic sugar rush. Opposition parties will rightly point out underlying rot. And regular people get whiplash watching their mortgage statements fluctuate based on academic debates they can't control.
I saw this same cycle play out during the 1992 ERM crisis. John Major's government used interest rates as a political shield until the markets revolted. Black Wednesday wasn't just a policy failure, it was a failure to acknowledge reality. Today's policymakers should study that history. Once markets decide you're following political whims rather than economic fundamentals, the punishment comes fast.
So what's a retail investor or first time buyer to do? Ignore the headlines. Watch wage growth, not Bank pronouncements. Productivity matters more than Bailey's latest pronouncments. And never assume central bankers have more control than they do. They're wizards behind curtains, mumbling incantations while hoping we don't notice the smoke and mirrors.
The real tragedy is how avoidable much of this was. Had the Bank acted faster in 2022, coming inflation surges might have been tamer. Had politicians invested in productivity rather than short term giveaways, the economy would have resilience. Instead, we get performative rate cuts amid weak growth. It's like applauding the band on the Titanic as water laps the deck.
Do I want lower rates? Of course. Borrowers need relief. But sustainable growth requires honesty about trade offs. Heading into 2026 with inflation still above target, public services crumbling, and policymakers divided isn't stability. It's controlled demolition. Bailey's ninth inning heroics can't mask nine innings of errors.
Maybe I'm jaded after decades watching these cycles, but real leadership would mean admitting uncertainty, not pretending omnipotence. Until that happens, expect more rate cuts after long delays, more political interference dressed as technocratic wisdom, and more Britons stuck in an economic twilight zone. Pass the aspirin.
By Daniel Hart